RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 19 February 2009

MEDVEDEV. Faithful readers will know that, for some years, I have been saying that Putin over centralised power; perhaps understandably, given his fears in 2000 that Russia could altogether collapse. I believe that his concentration of all decisions in the offices next to his strangles initiative (in this connection I am amused to see some in the Rightosphere picking up on his warning that the Soviet experience shows the folly of state control). I expected that his successor would have to take steps to change course. That is what I believe Medvedev is doing: witness his discussion with Novaya Gazeta, his re-activation of the human rights group, his remarks on the “information society”, his “fireside chats”, his list of leading personnel and others. It would be quite wrong, I believe, to search here for disagreements with Putin – they are a team and have been for some time and there is every sign that they are cooperating in their division of labour.

POLITKOVSKAYA TRIAL. The jury acquitted all defendants today. So where does this leave us? Another in a long series of bungled prosecutions.

UNEMPLOYMENT. RosStat announced that unemployment in January, using ILO methodology, was 6.1 million or 8.1% of “the economically active population”, up 5.2% from December. 1.7 million of these are officially registered and 1.4 million are receiving benefits.

OIL FOR CHINA. Yesterday Moscow and Beijing signed an agreement by which Russia will supply oil for 20 years in return for a loan.

LNG. Yesterday Russia’s first LNG plant was officially opened in Sakhalin. Capacity is said to be 9.6 million tonnes a year and most of it has already been sold to Japan, South Korea and the USA. Gazprom owns half plus one share and Royal Dutch Shell, Mitsui and Mitsubishi most of the rest.

POLICE. Levada has completed a poll on how Russians feel about the police. I was rather surprised that as many as 9% expressed “complete trust” and 46% were “inclined to trust”. That’s a lot higher than I would have guessed considering how poorly the police do in polls on corruption.

SLEDGEHAMMERS AND NUTS. The Piotr Velikiy, which is a very large ship, passing by, detained some pirates off Somalia. But other Russian ships are cooperating with EU’s ATALANTA operation.

MANAS. Today the Kyrgyz Republic parliament voted 78-1 to close the base. Perhaps Washington could have upped its offer, but it didn’t seem to try very hard and is apparently looking at Uzbekistan. I’ll bet Tashkent drives a harder bargain than Bishkek ever would have.

TRANSIT. A train carrying supplies to US forces in Afghanistan left Riga today to pass through Russia.

CAUCASIAN RUMOURS OF WARS. The slow background of violence continues in Ingushetia with a shootout last week and a car bomb this. The change of governor does not seem to have made any difference.

GENEVA TALKS. Yesterday the participants in the talks on South Ossetia and Abkhazia agreed to a modest set of provisions designed to reduce violence. A start. Tbilisi still seems, under present management unwillingly to solemnly declare that it won’t try another war. As Burjanadze observed on Tuesday, the August attack gives much ammunition to those who consider Georgia to be Georgia as “an unstable and unpredictable state”. Meanwhile a Georgian general has joined the opposition and Alasania, who is emerging as one of it principal leaders, laid out his program.

GAS WARS – UKRAINE. Some polls: 1) a majority of Ukrainians find the gas deal acceptable; 2) 70% think President Yushchenko should quit right now; 3) 54% blame him for the gas crisis and 44% blame Tymoshenko. Not a happy place: those “coloured revolutions”, based on fantasy narratives and raising unrealistic expectations, were disasters. And no one speaks of the “Tulip Revolution” any more.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (see http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

Debunking the Latest Rumour: Manas Airbase

Note Feb 2016: I think this was a contribution to a section in ROPV that never quite took off.

http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/2009/02/debunking-the-latest-rumor.html#more

Manas Airbase.

ISSUE. In 2001 the USA leased part of the Manas airfield in the Kyrgyz Republic to support US and Allied operations in Afghanistan. This month, President Bakiyev announced that he would seek to close the base. The Kyrgyz Republic Parliament will discuss the issue on 19 February.

INTERPRETATION: Many in the West saw Bakiyev as a puppet and the whole thing orchestrated in Moscow so as to embarrass President Obama. “Bakiyev Pleases Moscow” (Jamestown Foundation) “Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has been trying to reclaim the influence it once had in the former Central Asian Soviet republics, so Russian pressure on Kyrgyzstan is not unexpected.” (BBC) “”I think that the principal motivation is to reassert Russian influence and get visible U.S. presence out of former Soviet republics,” said retired Adm. William J. Fallon” (Huffington Post) “Russia Offers Kind Words, but Its Fist Is Clenched” (NYT). Most of these accounts mention Bakiyev’s objections but seem to regard them as just a cover for Russian machinations

COMMENT. But Bakiyev has long been tired with the relationship with Washington. “The president said he had repeatedly suggested that the US side should review the airbase agreement and raise the leasing fee for the airbase, but the suggestion was ignored. He added that the base closure was also caused by violations of law by US military personnel, including the killing of a Kyrgyz national by a US soldier in December 2006.

But there are other reasons why the issue has become a significant irritant.

  • The possibility that US forces might use the base to attack Iran or gather intelligence on China: support of the effort in Afghanistan is one thing, being draw into these issues is quite another.
  • The lack of the “trickle-down” benefits that, perhaps naively, were expected.
  • Concerns over the initial, possibly corrupt, agreement with the former President of the Kyrgyz Republic.
  • Growing scepticism about the effectiveness and length of the Afghanistan operation.
  • But, probably most important, the conviction that Washington regards the Kyrgyz Republic as a third-rate country to be taken for granted and fobbed off with indifference, patronising promises and extra-territorial arrogance. Media treatments that assume Bakiyev is Moscow’s puppet will not help this impression.

CONCLUSION: To regard Bakiyev’s decision (which may yet be reversed) as something dreamed up in Moscow is to grossly oversimplify the issue and make the common error of assuming that Moscow is the only actor.

FURTHER READING: John CK Daly: “The Manas Disillusionment”.

Russia Profile Weekly Experts Panel: For Real or for Show?

http://www.russialist.org/archives/2009-37-3.php

The first thing that should be kept in mind is that in the present duumvirate, Medvedev and Putin are not rivals. They are members of the same team and have worked together for years. Thus, the most logical beginning, rather than looking for disagreements, is to attempt to see how they work in a complementary fashion.

When Putin became president all indicators in Russia were negative (as a reminder see “Russia is Finished” from the Atlantic Monthly of 2001). His early speeches show that he was seriously concerned that Russia might literally fall apart. I believe that he had four aims when he began: to reverse Russia’s economic decline; to halt fissiparous tendencies; to improve Russia’s standing in the world, to institute what he called “rule of law” but what might better be termed “rule of rules”. He can – and has – claimed real progress in the first three but has admitted to little success in the fourth. Indeed he once said that corruption had been his greatest failure. His style of governance was very centralising, not surprisingly given his fears about breakup. It can be argued that all this worked reasonably well for most of his eight years.

Medvedev became president in a less desperate time (although the unexpected international financial crisis has taken some of the shine off the economy). Although he worked with Putin in the bad years, he presumably is not so concerned with the possibility of sudden collapse. He can, therefore, be more relaxed.

Another difference is that during Putin’s time (and Yeltsin’s for that matter) prime ministers were, with the notable exception of Yevgeniy Primakov, creatures of the president. All decisions came to the president’s desk (something Putin once publically complained about) and others obeyed (or, quite often, ignored) presidential orders. Under the present duumvirate, Russia now has a prime minister of real status. This permits a different division of labour. We indeed see Putin working at the “first minister” details and Medvedev discussing the larger “presidential” policy issues. This is not the only possible division of labour but it appears to be how this one is shaping up. Indeed, for one of the few times in its history, Russia has a degree of pluralism of power. This could lead to trouble, as dual power has before, but so far the two are cooperating. The common assumption that Putin still rules Russia is too facile: there can be no question that he could have amended the constitution and been elected for a third term. The astute analyst must seek to understand why he chose the course that he did.

Medvedev has his sphere and Putin has his. It is clear that Medvedev’s sphere is “rule of law”, in the widest sense, and encouraging the modernisation of Russia (witness his recent remarks on “the information society”). It is also probable that he seeks to loosen some of the centralisation (over-centralisation to my mind) of the Putin period. This should not be seen as disagreement with Putin, neither should it be seen as tension between the two, but rather what is appropriate for Russia’s circumstances today.

Finally, one should reflect on the fact that Russia has had two presidents in a row who were greatly affected by Anatoliy Sobchak. There should be less obsession, to my mind, with Putin’s KGB background and more consideration of the “Sobchak factor”.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 12 February 2009

ECONOMY. Last month the Finance Minister gave the prognosis: growth likely “close to zero”; budgetary revenues down, Reserve Fund (now US$215 billion) will be needed (that’s what it’s there for). RosStat says last year’s GDP grew 5.6%, down from 8.1% in 2007.

POPULARITY. There has been a great deal of flapdoodle about the declining popularity of the Duumvirate. Here are Levada’s latest numbers: Medvedev 75%, Putin 83%, government 58%. By contrast, Obama is in the 40s.

NOVAYA GAZETA. This newspaper has had another reporter murdered. Medvedev met with the editor and Gorbachev (a co-owner); he expressed his “deepest sorrow and compassion” and defended the right of the paper to criticise the authorities: “Thank God the newspaper exists”. Report by editor here.

HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL. Medvedev has revived a human rights advisory council and met with Chair Ella Pamfilova. Members include representatives from Memorial, Soldiers’ Mothers and Helsinki Group.

THE MIGHTY RUSSIAN ARMS BUILDUP. The operation in South Ossetia betrayed many deficiencies in the Armed Forces (JRL/2008/229/35). To fill some of them, it was announced last month that they would receive 3 (3!) UAVs over the next three years. Meanwhile it was reported that 70% of MiG-29s were too old to operate.

MUNICH CONFERENCE. US VP Biden made some openings and Moscow has generally responded with equal openness. But, all I can say was that Biden’s remarks were unimaginative. They were things that Moscow can do to help Washington and did not address the two principal irritants of endless NATO expansion and the missile bases in Europe. However, it’s early days yet and this is a welcome start. Merkel and Sarkozy also showed themselves more open. Can we see the “Saakashvili effect” slowly working its way through minds?

TRANSIT. Moscow and Astana will allow transit of non-lethal supplies for US troops in Afghanistan.

CFE. The Ambassador to NATO said Moscow would lift its embargo on the CFE Treaty if new NATO members ratified it. He claimed this was a well-known position but I don’t think I’ve heard it before.

CHECHNYA. The representative of the “Chechen Republic-Ichkeria”, Akhmed Zakayev, who actually represents neither many Chechens nor the jihadists still operating there, has said he is open for dialogue with Chechnya’s government and president. I doubt Groznyy is interested in “dialogue” but the amnesty offer remains open. It’s over.

GAS WARS, BELARUS. On Tuesday Lukashenka said there were no plans for Belarus to use the Russian ruble. While there is nothing new in this position – the currency question has been blocking the so-called Union State for at least a decade: Moscow doesn’t want to pay the “sticker price” for Belarus’s economy and Minsk doesn’t want to become a province – when Belarus’s gas contract comes up for renewal and the price goes up I’ll bet the Kommentariat (again) twists this into Moscow punishing Minsk.

MANAS. Kyrgyz Republic President Bakiyev in Moscow secured some economic benefits and, while there, said that he would not renew the US lease on the Manas airbase. Naturally many connected the two. And, while there may be some connection, Bakiyev’s reasons should be heard: he said that Bishkek had repeatedly asked Washington for more rent “but the suggestion was ignored” and referred to the killing of a civilian by a US serviceman – “violations of law by U.S. military personnel”. But it’s always easier to write about big bad Putin than do a little research. The base has become quite a contentious issue in the Kyrgyz Republic.

GAS WARS, UKRAINE. Gazprom gave some numbers: in 2009 it expects to sell Ukraine US$9.5 billion worth of gas and pay about US$2.3 billion for transit. President Yushchenko’s spokesman says that Kiev will not revoke the gas agreement (although he is quoted as saying it was a threat to Ukraine’s independence). On the other hand, PM Tymoshenko continues to blame him for the problem in the first place. Meanwhile it is reported that Kiev is seeking a loan from Moscow.

AND ANOTHER DESERTION. On Tuesday Georgia’s former Ambassador to the OSCE announced that he was joining the opposition: “I cannot continue working under the leadership of a president and a government I do not believe in. Soon all of Saakashvili’s supporters will be in the US State Department.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (see http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 22 January 2009

GAS WARS. On Saturday, Prime Ministers Tymoshenko and Putin met in Moscow and fairly quickly came to agreement. For this year, Naftohaz will pay European prices less 20% with the transit fees remaining as previously agreed. For next and subsequent years it will be full European prices and full European transit fees. In short, an agreement not hugely different from what President Yushchenko walked out on last month and fully in line with the Tymoshenko-Putin agreement of three months ago. There is one significant difference – but always implied by Gazprom – which is that the “European price” is linked to the price of oil. Previously the contracts had been for a fixed price (attractive to Ukraine at a time when oil prices were rising). No doubt Belarus will be given the same deal when its contract comes up. So what took so long and why did all those customers have to get cold? It looks to me very much as if the whole thing was connected to the bitter political struggle in Ukraine and Tymoshenko is now able to position herself as the person who can solve the problems Yushchenko causes. Certainly she is blaming “corruption at the highest political level [in Ukraine]”. This should stand her in good stead in the presidential elections in a year. (Or sooner, maybe: both Yanukovych and Tymoshenko say he should resign and between them they control about 70% of the seats in parliament. But they don’t like each other either.) Stay tuned.

BUT. Ukraine has continually been in arrears: how will it, with a failing economy, pay the higher price? And what happens when it fails behind? Will Kiev, locked in its political war, keep the agreement?

SIGNS OF THE TIMES. I am interested that The Economist, which I regard as only useful on Russia because it gives the “mean sea level” of conventional opinion at the moment of publishing, doesn’t seem to be quite able to make up its mind whom to blame for the gas cutoff. (JRL/2008/11/22). August and January have been learning experiences for many in the West and coverage has been much more balanced.

MARKELOV. On Tuesday Stanislav Markelov was murdered in central Moscow in an obvious mob hit. Given that he had been acting for the family of Elsa Kungayeva, murdered in 2000 by Yuriy Budanov, given that Budanov had just been granted parole and that Markelov had just finished a press conference protesting the parole, almost everyone decided that the two were connected. I’m not convinced: after all Budanov had won his parole, after several earlier refusals, and it is unlikely that Markelov’s activities would have put him back in jail. So I suspect that the cause is something else. In November the editor of a newspaper in Khimki was almost beaten to death: he had been running a campaign to prevent developers from destroying a forest and Markelov had begun an investigation into that case. And he had other dangerous enemies. Yesterday the case was passed over the Investigative Committee of the PGO which is supposed to be Russia’s top investigation group.

COURTS. Russian courts have just reversed two tax claims against foreign companies: Lufthansa on the 14th and PricewaterhouseCoopers on the 20th. And, it is reported that a judge has ruled the raid on Memorial’s offices last month to be “unlawful”. As always in Russia, one never knows whether this was the result of “telephone justice” with a new phone, or a sign of genuinely impartial legal procedures.

LENIN. Yesterday was the anniversary of Lenin’s death and time for the usual poll. According to VTsIOM, two-thirds now think the body should be taken out of the Mausoleum. Some people appeared on Red Square dressed as mummies. The police, lacking a sense of humour, but also prudently fearing a riot while communists were making their annual pilgrimage to their Holy of Holies, detained them.

GEORGIA OPPOSITION. Readers will know that I expected Saakashvili to be long gone. But I have come to the conclusion that three things have kept him in power so far: his near-total control of news outlets; the understandable desire to avoid the third extra-legal departure of a president in a row and the disunion of the opposition. The third is being repaired: almost all opposition parties have agreed on a three-point program. Salome Zurabishvili (yet another of Saakashvili’s former colleagues) appears to have taken a leading role; according to her the three are: Saakashvili’s resignation, electoral system reform and early presidential and parliamentary elections. Not all opposition parties agree on the first and consultations on tactics continue. The Europeans are starting to clue in: a €500 million aid package over 3 years is in the works. But there are conditions: there must be political improvements (media freedom and freedom of assembly were emphasised) and “We do not want to see any Euro spent on any military and I think that is the most important”.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (See http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 15 January 2009

GAS WARS. The contract with Ukraine ended on 1 January and negotiations were stopped as Gazprom was offering $250tcm (about half what Germany pays). Gazprom shut off gas to Ukraine, Ukraine started siphoning Europe-bound gas and Gazprom then shut down the system altogether saying that no gas was getting through anyway. Negotiations ensued, agreements were made, Gazprom is trying to ship through Sudzha but Naftohaz comes up with new objections; no gas is presently flowing. Gazprom’s point of view here, Naftohaz’s here. At least Western coverage has been more balanced this time around – Gazprom has been using international monitors at all stages to document events. For readers of Russian, here’s Ukrainian PM Tymoshenko confirming that Gazprom offered $250tcm and her speculation that forces on the Ukrainian side are trying to keep the murky RosUkrEnergo alive for their own profit. (Let’s not forget theft as a motive (JRL/2009/8/24)).

JUDICIARY. Medvedev continues his activities against “legal nihilism”. Addressing the National Congress of Judges, he called for court records to be available on the Internet, attacked “telephone justice”, mentioned pilot projects on free legal aid for the poor and called for fewer prison sentences. Legislation to come, no doubt.

CORRUPTION. The Duma passed Medvedev’s anti-corruption bill (with the dates changed back) and he signed it on the 25th. He then signed a bill requiring Cabinet ministers to declare their income and property to tax authorities. Not the first time such a requirement has existed. Meanwhile an aide to the Ground Forces Commander was arrested on suspicion of accepting bribes and abuse of authority. A very uphill task.

RUSSIA INC. On the 25th the Central Bank of Russia said Russia gold and foreign currency reserves were US$450.8 billion; rumours of Russia’s bankruptcy are exaggerated.

ECONOMY. The government’s expectations, according to a Presidential aide, are 2% growth with 10-12% inflation in 2009. If that does come to pass, Russia may be one of the star economies of 2009.

PERISTALSIS. Medvedev has complained about how slowly the government works and Putin issued a directive designed to give deputy PMs more power to approve work. Another uphill task.

NAME OF RUSSIA. An Internet completion on The Name of Russia” had Nevskiy, Stolypin and Stalin close in the popular estimate, while the “experts” placed Nevskiy and Pushkin first followed by Suvorov. There was much flapdoodle in the West about Stalin’s high ranking. But Internet votes are easy to influence and I would argue that Stalin’s placing has much to do with older people resisting the devaluation of their youth. See, for example Putin’s remarks at the Butova Memorial or his description of communism as a “a road to a blind alley”; in short, was their youth wasted and their achievements hollow?

PEOPLE POWER. A court in Ulyanovsk region upheld Yuriy Budanov’s parole request; he is to be released 15 months early after 11 January. There have been several large protest rallies in Groznyy.

NOT COLOUR-FAST. Not a good time for those “democratic” “revolutions”, whether “Orange” “Rose” or “Tulip”. Unrealistic expectations, ignoring essential interests and expecting Washington to bail you out is not a recipe for domestic success.

1. Ukraine. President Yushchenko has abandoned his call for early parliamentary elections; he ordered his people out of the “orange coalition” in parliament so there is now no majority. Tymoshenko says he should resign and accuses him of weakening the economy on purpose. Not surprisingly a poll this week shows 83.7% of respondents thinking Ukraine has taken a wrong turn and over 90% believing the situation “tense” or “explosive”). No doubt the gas war is connected with the political struggle there.

2. Georgia. As expected, the former Ambassador to the UN has gone into opposition and calls for early elections. The Public Defender says he has proof that senior officials deliberately planned to break up the November 2007 demonstrations with excessive force. (REF). Another opposition member accuses Saakashvili’s family of embezzling money designed to provide insurance for poor people. (REF). The opposition says it will launch a series of demonstrations; and reiterated its demand for Saakashvili’s resignation. Meanwhile Freedom House has re-classified it as “a non-electoral democracy” (whatever that is).

3. Kyrgyz Republic. The main opposition parties have signed an agreement to form an alliance and demand the resignation of President Bakiyev. Not that anyone remembers this any more.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (See http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

Ukraine’s troubles

http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/2009/01/ukraines-troubles.html#more

Ukraine has entered its latest gas war in a severely weakened state and with a paralysed government and parliament. What can only be called hatred between the erstwhile “Orange Revolution” allies of President Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko is fast destroying the unity that Ukraine needs to face its acute economic crisis. In the meantime, the needless NATO question drives the country further apart.

Governance is poisoned by the war between Ukraine’s two most important politicians. In August Yushchenko virtually called Tymoshenko a traitor and in December she returned the favour by accusing Yushchenko of wrecking the economy for his personal advantage. In October Yushchenko dissolved parliament and abolished the court that ruled he could not do so. He has subsequently dropped the dissolution, claiming that the financial crisis forbade another election. Meanwhile, the fight between the two has broken Parliament. After months of bargaining, the remnants of the “Orange” forces cobbled together a coalition on 16 December but, as Yushchenko forbade his supporters to join, the coalition has no majority. As the year ended, an opinion poll in the country showed, not surprisingly, great displeasure among the victims of this power struggle; three-quarters said they did not support Yushchenko’s policies and only about 3% believed the country was heading in the right direction.

Bubbling in the background, and part of the Yushchenko-Tymoshenko flame wars, is the arms trade scandal. The issue was not made clearer when Somali pirates captured a ship with Ukraine tanks bound for somewhere – no one seems to know – in Africa. The Ossetian war and Ukraine’s arms supplies to Georgia brought the issue to the fore and the chair of the parliamentary investigating committee, Valery Konovalyuk, asserts that Kiev supplied weapons during the war. Naturally, the Ukrainian National Security and Defence Council disagreed, insisting that everything was perfectly legal. In the mean time, no one seems to know who paid for the 12 self-propelled guns, 70-plus APCs, 16 tanks, 8 helicopters and 58 air defence systems that SIPRI says Georgia received from Ukraine between 2004 and 2007; dark rumours of payoffs and secret arrangements abound.

Ukraine has been hit very hard by the world-wide financial crisis: its GDP is falling while inflation and unemployment are rising rapidly. Foreign debt had nearly doubled as of October and is still rising. Every indications is that these problems are getting worse.

Finally there is NATO. Since September I know of three polls taken in Ukraine on the issue; NATO membership was rejected by large majorities in each, as has been the case in every poll of which I am aware. In September 53% of respondents preferred economic integration with Russia and the CIS as against 40% who preferred relations with the EU. Nearly half agreed that NATO accession would be destabilising. Another poll that month showed that, in a referendum, 61% would vote against NATO membership and another poll two months later showed similar numbers. The November poll illuminated the geographical division over the question: NATO accession was supported by 16% in eastern Ukraine, 28% in central Ukraine and 68% in western Ukraine. Once again the two principals differ: Yushchenko strongly supports NATO accession and EU connections while Tymoshenko counsels caution. The population, principally because of the long history of the Ukrainian territory being divided between Polish and Russian rule, is split on many issues and the NATO question reminds all Ukrainians of these differences at a time when they must sink or swim together. One can only surmise that those who want Ukraine in NATO wish to split the country.

Ukraine is entering another gas war with Russia at a time when its two principal leaders are at each other’s throats and people are choosing sides in the power struggle, when its government and parliament are rudderless, when its economy is sinking fast, when the arms scandal is smouldering in the background and the NATO issue reminds all its citizens of the things that they do not have in common. As with its sister “Rose” and “Tulip” “Revolutions”, the day of reckoning for the “Orange Revolution” is approaching.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 18 December 2008

MEMORIAL RAID. On the 4th, in their customary heavy-handed and secretive way, police raided the St Petersburg offices of Memorial and took some documents. As usual, there are many more theories than facts: this blog entry summarises the various theories. The official line is that the raid was conducted pursuant to hate-crime laws (a notoriously broad category that can justify almost anything in Russia and elsewhere), although it seems improbable that Memorial is connected to an anti-Semitic film. Like so much else in Russia, the few known facts will be used as a peg on which to hang one’s pet theory.

DEMOS. The authorised nationalist march on the 12th attracted a few hundred people and passed off without incident. Other Russia, typically refusing the sites it was offered, tried to hold its protest at Triumfalnaya Square (which has to be one of Moscow’s busiest intersections) but few showed up.

PEOPLE POWER. There were, however, real demonstrations on Sunday. A number (thousands say some, a negligible number say police) in several cities in the Far East protested the large tax increase on imported cars that is due to come into effect next month. Many people east of Baykal drive second-hand cars from Japan (with right-side driver’s position, which adds a certain frisson to traffic conditions).

JURY TRIALS. On the 12th the Duma passed amendments to the Criminal Code eliminating jury trials for cases involving crimes like terrorism, treason, sabotage; the Federation Council passed it yesterday. Such cases will be heard by a panel of three judges. The stated reason is that, because so many of these sorts of crimes occur in the North Caucasus and there is such a network of family and clan there, objective juries cannot be found and, when found, jurors are easily threatened.

RUSSIA INC. The government’s official line remains optimistic: Russia will make it through. Moody’s has reduced Russia’s rating from “positive” to “stable” (Baa) and Standard and Poors to BBB in the wake of a drop in the ruble’s value and the fall in oil prices. According to the Finance Ministry, the federal budget surplus was about 6.3% of GDP in the 1st 11 months of the year. Meanwhile, RosStat reports that industrial production declined 8.7% this year compared with last. An official stated that foreign reserves were US$435.4 billion last week: down nearly $150 billion since the crisis began. He was hopeful that reserves will stay above $300 billion. We shall see: certainly the world-wide crisis has not yet bottomed.

CORRUPTION. Some fairly high-profile arrests lately. A criminal case on abuse of office has been opened against the former Russian Pension Fund head, the Investigative Committee arrested a Moscow deputy prosecutor for soliciting a bribe and today an aide to the Ground Forces Commander was arrested for taking a bribe. However, the Duma has delayed, by a year, the date of coming into force for Medvedev’s package of bills; Medvedev is said to be very angry.

GEORGIA. US Senator John Kerry, visiting Georgia, was told by opposition members that Saakashvili was a threat to Georgia and the world, Matthew Bryza (can we call him Tbilisi’s man in Washington?) was told by another leader that the opposition would attempt to force early elections and hoped the next US administration would “respect the choice of the Georgian people”. Zurab Noghaideli (PM Feb 2005-Nov 2007) stated that Saakashvili was incapable of governing Georgia: “The time of children playing in the sandbox is over in Georgia”. There must be more Saakashvili-era ministers in opposition today than in his cabinet. And, the rumour is that Georgia’s Ambassador to the UN is about to declare his opposition.

GAS WARS. Negotiations between Gazprom and Naftohaz continue without resolution despite the framework agreement between PMs Tymoshenko and Putin of October; the present contract expires in January. In the meantime, it is reported that local gas suppliers in Ukraine are beginning to cut off customers for non-payment. President Yushchenko just announced that Ukraine had paid US$800 million with another $200 million coming soon. This will still leave a debt of about one billion.

CAUCASIAN RUMOURS OF WARS. I have been noticing an increase in jihadist attacks in the North Caucasus over the past summer: Gordon Hahn’s essay on new tactics (JRL/2008/22740) puts this into context.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (See http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 11 December 2008

PATRIARCH. Patriarch Aleksey II died on Friday and more than 80,000 people came to his lying-in-state at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour. He presided over a spectacular rebirth of the Russian Church – when I was stationed there 1993-1996 I never saw a church that wasn’t being repaired and I saw many full.

CAPITAL OUTFLOW. For what it’s worth, the Central Bank of Russia Chairman said last week that capital outflow from banks in November was much smaller than in previous months and expressed his confidence that it has stabilised. Of course, so much has left that there probably isn’t much more to go. Here are some essays on the financial crisis on Russia that people who know more about it than I do have praised.

SOMETHING NEW. To me at any rate. I was reading Putin’s interview session and one of the people complained about the Unified State Examination of which I had not heard. Putin defended it as a means of reducing corruption in enrolment for higher education and said that statistical evidence showed it was working in that enrolment on the top universities from remote areas had increased by 10%. Polls on corruption regularly place the education system high (but not as high as the police). This is another example to show that developments in Russia are much more complicated than any one watcher – let alone the Kommentariat, obsessed as it is with neo-Kremlinology and stereotype – can follow. Russia is still very a very “top-down” country, but there are enough initiatives, developing and interacting with each other, to “thicken” the mix.

CORRUPTION. Sergey Stepashin, the head of the Audit Chamber, has just said “Unlike previous decades, budget funds are not stolen in Russia today. We can now speak about instances of their ineffective use”. The Audit Chamber has for some years been looking at whether the money is effectively spent by the agency as opposed to being merely spent on the budget item. He may be over-sanguine but certainly we don’t have the outright disappearance of large amounts of money the way we did in the 1990s.

HERE WE GO AGAIN. Once again Other Russia demanded approval to hold a demo on Tverskaya Street on 14 December and once again the Moscow authorities refused and offered an alternative location. (In St Petersburg they asked for the equivalent – Nevskiy Prospekt). This game is played constantly: Other Russia demands a venue it knows it will not get – no one gets Tverskaya which is Moscow’s main street – so that it can force a stunt that the Western media will cover. Will the Western media be suckered again? Will it report this time that the bulk of the protesters are from the rather un-democratic National Bolsheviks?

MEDVEDEV’S TRAVELS. Back from his Latin American trip, Medvedev has been to India and Italy.

ROMANOVS. US and Russian scientists again confirmed that the Yekaterinburg remains were those of Nikolay II and his family. The Church still holds off on agreeing – presumably because it wants to be absolutely certain.

ROSES AND DANDELIONS. The Georgian opposition continues to grow: former Foreign Minister Zurabishvili’s party has called for immediate elections; two opposition parties have announced an alliance. Rumour has it that the former Ambassador to the UN is about to join the opposition. There has been another government shuffle: opposition there too? I was wrong to expect Saakashvili’s overthrow to be soon: the process is slow. While the opposition suffers from too many leaders, it is coalescing around a platform of early elections to replace Saakashvili and his parliamentary myrmidons but, given his near-total control of news outlets, it is moving slowly. It is also likely that the opposition does not want Saakashvili to be the third President in a row replaced by coup. But it’s coming: as Saakashvili’s support in the West wanes, almost all of his former allies now want him gone. Meanwhile the Georgian Patriarch attended Aleksey’s funeral and had a meeting with Medvedev; he called for better relations but did not openly criticise Saakashvili.

ORANGES AND LEMONS. Ukraine has been hit hard by the financial crisis and bitter in-fighting by former political allies but a new “Orange coalition” in Parliament has just been formed. Given that Yushchenko has been virtually calling PM Tymoshenko a Kremlin stooge, I cannot think that this one will last much longer than the others. The NATO question just intensifies east-west strains. Meanwhile it has to pay its gas bills; although the IMF, which has granted a loan, believes there is enough money on hand to do so, Ukraine is currently a couple of months behind. Yushchenko has promised that it will not siphon off Europe-bound gas, as it did in 2006 when Gazprom cut supply because of unpaid bills (Moscow was blamed of course).

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (See http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)

RUSSIAN FEDERATION WEEKLY SITREP 4 December 2008

PUTIN Q&A SESSION. Putin answered questions on Russian media today. Most of what he spoke about was connected with the economy – he remains reasonably optimistic – and the financial crisis – ditto – and other “money” issues.

NATO EXPANSION. At its meeting in Brussels NATO did not offer MAPs to Georgia or Ukraine. It also began a retreat from its decision not to deal with Russia. Typically, this was covered up by waffle language but that is the bottom line. As someone wisely observed, NATO is “becoming the problem that it had been trying to solve”. No one can doubt that the Ossetia war was a by-product of NATO expansion which was sold as a means of creating stability, not reducing it. We will see whether this marks the end of this foolish project, or “tragic mistake”, as George Kennan put it in 1998. The latest poll from Ukraine shows what a divisive issue it is there: over 80% want a referendum before joining and only 30% said they would vote to join. 16% in eastern Ukraine supported NATO membership, 28% in the central region and 68% in western Ukraine.

LATIN AMERICA. Medvedev has been visiting countries in Latin America that Washington does not like. Part of this I suspect is the perennial attempt to get customers for something other than oil and gas and part of it is an attempt to irritate Washington and show that Russia is a force to be taken seriously.

KARABAKH. The optimism of last month’s agreement signed by the Presidents of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan is fading. There was a protest in Yerevan a few weeks later by war veterans calling “the liberated territories” “an integral part of our Motherland” and any cession “treachery”. On the other side, Azerbaijan President Aliyev told RAI International that the agreement did not rule out the use of force. Karabakh is another of Stalin’s cartographical jokes and should never have been included in the Azerbaijan SSR in the first place. As a result of the war, the Karabakh-Armenian forces have occupied a good piece of territory to the west of Karabakh which are, typically in the Caucasus where history and historical myth are so strong, already being considered part of the “Motherland” by some. Just as many Georgians consider the Empire of David to be the “true” extent of Georgia, there are Armenians who consider the Empire of Tigranes to be the “true” Armenia. And so it goes, with a lot of blood shed to intensify feelings.

UKRAINE-RUSSIA. President Yushchenko’s party, People’s Union “Our Ukraine”, held its conference and declared that Russia was a threat to Ukraine and that many politicians ignored this reality to the detriment of Ukraine’s independence. As far as I know the word “Tymoshenko” did not appear in the statement. On the other hand, it is reported that Yushchenko has set up a group to improve ties with Russian Federation in face of the financial crisis. Kiev’s Ambassador to Moscow pointed out that Russia, Ukraine’s largest trade partner with turnover of about $30 billion, must be Ukraine’s partner in finding a way out. The National Security Council Secretary said, in reference to the party’s statement: “It is unacceptable when our partner is branded a national security threat”. Reality bites. Meanwhile it is announced that Naftohaz Ukrainy has been able to pay for September’s gas imports. Leaving, I suppose, October and November still to be paid for.

GEORGIA. I highly recommend that people watch this interview with Erosi Kitsmarishvili, the former Ambassador to Moscow and quondam ally of Saakashvili. In essence he says that: Saakashvili has betrayed the “Rose Revolution” (in which Kitsmarishvili was an important ally); Washington was stupid not to see what manner of man he was; Saakashvili started the war because he wanted to be another David; there is more than a hint that he believes Saakashvili, or someone close to him, had Zurab Zhvania murdered; all news outlets in Georgia are government-controlled and the population has few other sources of information and therefore the opposition must move slowly and carefully. Finally Georgia cannot exist without good relations with Russia. He says he will sue the government to regain control of the TV station he helped start (Rustavi-2), no doubt as a first step in breaking the government’s control. That’s a lot of former allies of Saakashvili now in open opposition: including now the PM from February 2005 to November 2007, who set up his opposition party yesterday. Hard to keep up with them, in fact.

© Patrick Armstrong Analysis, Ottawa, Canada (See http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/)